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The first intra-Party conflict to be fought through the press occurred in the mid-1950s, when Mao was eager to harness the wave of popular enthusiasm that had emerged with the new nation’s founding to drive through a rapid industrialization plan. The Party apparatus was opposed to this idea. In its capacity as the Party’s mouthpiece, People’s Daily published an article expounding the need to “oppose impetuosity and adventurism” and set targets that were in accord with China’s objective conditions (quoted in Cheek 1997, 172). Provoked by this and other signs of his increasing marginalization within the Party, Mao began to advocate the famous Hundred Flowers policy, which invited intellectuals and writers to publicly criticize the Party’s bureaucratism (MacFarquhar 1974). Still controlled by the Party apparatus, however, People’s Daily adopted a lukewarm approach to reporting on Mao’s efforts and even published an article arguing against the Hundred Flowers policy. Although Mao immediately criticized this article, People’s Daily did not report either on his response to it or on his efforts to further promote and expand the campaign. Blocked from conveying his views to the masses, Mao became openly irate and hostile to the newspaper and its editor-in-chief, Deng Tuo. Mao exerted the weight of his status as the Party’s charismatic helmsman to personally remove Deng from his editorship, and overrode the objections of the Party bureaucrats to have the Hundred Flowers movement scaled up to a major Party rectification campaign.
The Currency of Truth
Emily H. C. Chua
Like Anicca, Anatta is pointing to the inverse of a specific mental event, Atta. Atta is a little hard to translate, we can translate it as more like a verb or more like a noun (Pali is weird). If we see it more like a noun it might be translated as ‘essence’ and if we translate it like a verb it might be translated as ‘to take/have control/ownership of.’
Neurotic Gradient Descent: (mis)Translating the Buddha
neuroticgradientdescent.blogspot.com
By demystifying Ross and Shawn, I hope to reveal the nature of the critical biases that argue against the notion that the upper middle class can enjoy a genuine, affective, affirming connection with the pieces of literary mass culture marketed to them. Present in both popular and academic criticism, these biases privilege a narrow ideal of cultural agency, articulated either as autonomous artistic production or heroically subversive consumption. Until we are willing to elide the stark divisions between those categories, and to broaden the cramped idea of what counts as “resistance” that arises from them, we will be unable to come to terms with the complex realities of how upper-middle-class men and women make meaning within mass culture.
Project MUSE - What We Talk About; When We Talk About: The New Yorker
muse-jhu-edu.alumniproxy.library.upenn.edu
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